The Promise of Gold Mountain: Tucson's Chinese Heritage

CHARLEY HONG, RACISM, AND THE POWER OF THE PRESS
IN JEROME, ARIZONA TERRITORY, 1909

by Kathryn Reisdorfer
Kathryn Reisdorfer is on the faculty of Yavapai College's Prescott Campus. An earlier version of this article appeared as "Jerome Chinese" in the Summer 2002 issue of The Jerome Chronicle, the publication of the Jerome Historical Society. It appears here with permission of the Jerome Historical Society.

Originally published in the Journal of Arizona History , Summer 2003 p. 133-146

Regarding the Web version of this article. Photographs from the AHS collections were not available for inclusion in this online version. Please consult with the Arizona Historical Society to view photos.

In 1909, W. S. (BILL) ADAMS, editor of the Jerome Mining News, made Charley Hong, a previously outstanding citizen of the central Arizona mining community, the target of an attack that quickly enveloped the town's entire Chinese populace. Laura Nihell, editor of the rival Jerome Copper Belt , emerged as Hong's staunch defender. The public battle between Adams and Nihell eventually obliterated the original allegations against Hong, providing present-day historians with a unique opportunity to study the nature of racism and the press's role in encouraging and disseminating negative racial stereotypes in the early-twentieth-century Southwest.

Today, Charley Hong is just another specter in the "Billion Dollar Copper Camp," now a popular tourist stop, perched precariously on the side of Mingus Mountain above the red rocks of Sedona and the Verde Valley. In the 1860s, prospectors discovered rich copper deposits in what were locally known as the Black Hills. Unable to raise the kind of capital needed to extract, process, and ship the ore from that remote and rugged region, the prospectors sold their claims to Eastern capitalists. One of them, Eugene Jerome, bestowed his name on the town. Before long, these investors sold out to William Andrews Clark, the Butte, Montana, copper king. By the time Charley Hong began to prosper in Jerome in the 1890s, Clark had forged a new kingdom for himself. Jerome soon ranked among the top copper producers in the world.

In those days, Jerome was hopping, and it was wild. Local newspapers reported on opium dens and the dissolute lifestyles of the miners. A New York paper rated Jerome the country's "wickedest town," while the Phoenix Enterprise noted that 'Jerome is where . . . the Chinese play undisturbed all their national games. The big saloons are crowded day and night by gamesters . . . [and] gambling is epidemic." The Enterprise added, with a typical western wink, that 'Jerome is not a city of churches, but hopes to be worse by and by." Asians contributed to the town's colorful image and naughty reputation.1

The Chinese men who enlivened the streets of Jerome had been imported into the United States in the mid-nineteenth century as a source of cheap labor. After the railroads were through with them, and as various western states began restricting their presence in mining occupations, the Chinese drifted into other livelihoods. Frequently, their businesses were identified with women's work: laundry, cleaning, and cooking. We do not know whether Charley Hong ever worked a mine or labored on the railroads, but we do know that he ended up operating the Bon Ton Restaurant in Jerome. By 1909, he was one of the town's major employers, paying taxes on more property than most of the Anglo professionals who worked for W.A. Clark.2

Hong was not only financially successful, he was also something of a local celebrity. Consequently, he made great copy for the Jerome Mining News . As was common in western towns, Jerome's business district burned down fairly regularly in the days before local merchants committed themselves to the idea that the "camp" was permanent and decided to rebuild with materials that were less flammable than wood. After a devastating fire in 1898, Bill Adams, who had only recently arrived in town, noted in the Mining Nexus that "Like most business men, Charley [Hong] lost his all last May and had to commence at the first round." The admiring editor reminded his readers that Hong "was the first man in town to open up his business in his own place .... His credit is good for any amount with merchants, and he enjoys the enviable reputation of feeding more people than any other restaurant in town. He is American in all but birth. What more could be said." Apparently quite a lot, as we shall see.3

Although he would later turn on Hong, Adams was still his fan in 1900. That summer, he mentioned that Hong was a guest at the wedding of a prominent Anglo couple and praised the Chinese businessman for presenting the newlyweds with their "finest gift." In a patronizing aside, however, Adams noted that Hong was a good Catholic who hoped someday to marry a white girl. For all his positive comments, Adams depicted Hong as cute, childlike, and rather foolish.4

Married or not, Hong continued to prosper. His troubles began in 1909 as the U.S. government cracked down on Asian laborers. Hong allegedly was returning from a visit to China when immigration authorities at Nogales stopped him for attempting to enter the United States through an unregistered port. While Hong's immigration status hung in the balance for several months, Jerome constable Charley King accused him of selling tainted meat in his restaurant. Editor Adams initially came to Hong's defense, reminding his readers that "Hong is classed with the best Chinese in Jerome." He ominously added, however, that "if we must have them with us there can be no objection to Hong as one of them." Both controversies eventually ended, and Hong continued to operate his business.5

We could end our story here and say, "So much for Charley Hong." Or, we could extend our narrative by noting that he continued to thrive financially, operated other enterprises, and even bought a ranch in the Verde Valley. This would make a complete and pleasant tale, the kind frequently told in western towns today. However, we would be doing Hong and history a disservice.

In the early twentieth century, small colonies of Chinese lived in many western mining camps. When Charley Hong arrived in the United States in 1880, Chinese comprised less than 1 percent of Jerome's population. By the time he was attacked as an undesirable alien, almost thirty years later, the Chinese populace of Jerome had passed its apex and was waning. Where there had been at least sixty Chinese residents in 1900, only thirty-four remained ten years later. In both instances, Jerome's Chinese inhabitants were exclusively male.6

[image of Charley Hong]

Against this backdrop, on May 9, 1909, Charley Hong placed an ad in the Mining News offering a $100 reward "for the arrest and conviction of the party or parties who attempted to destroy the Chs. Hong restaurant." Local law enforcement officials got on the case immediately and arrested a local Mexican by the name of Lopez for planting an explosive in the awning of Hong's establishment. Resentment between Mexicans and Chinese, with whom Mexican immigrants often competed for jobs, was endemic in western mining camps. So it is no surprise that Bill Adams reported in the Mining Nexus that "Lopez had had trouble with the China
man and the attorneys are endeavoring to prove that it was he who attempted to send the Celestials over the river Styx." Adams commended Constable King "for his vigilance in the premises as he has left no stone unturned to bring the guilty party to the bar of justice." Lopez was tried and convicted, Hong was safe, and King was a hero. Less than four months later, King and Hong found themselves engaged in a flaming battle, fanned by the Mining News editor.7

Bill Adams appears to have been a great admirer of Charley King. The Jerome newspaperman reported the constable's every scrape (most of which were with local Mexicans) and warmly congratulated Mrs. King when she gave birth to twins during a 1907 visit with relatives in California. Sadly, one of the babies died when it was a few hours old. "It is hoped by the many friends of both that [Mrs. King] and [the surviving] baby will rapidly grow strong, whilst their Jerome friends will see to it that papa King is cared for until his wife and baby arrive at home," Adams wrote. The editor was equally compassionate in his public condolances after the other King twin, likewise, succumbed.8

In the spring of 1909, Adams announced that Charley King had leased the Palace Hotel, where his wife intended to "run a first-class cafe." The timing was unfortunate. Jerome, like the rest of the country, was in an economic slump. Copper production, always sensitive to national and international market fluctuations, was particularly depressed. As so often happened in mining camps during financially stressful times, political and ethnic tensions escalated. "Americanism" became an important factor in labor issues. In the same edition of the Mining News that announced Mrs. King's new enterprise, Adams noted with pleasure that another Jerome restaurant, the Fashion, "has been rented to white people."9

As was common practice among small-town newspapers of the day, the Mining News avoided negative talk about the economy, preferring instead to tout the success of local businesses. Apparently as a favor to Charley King, Adams provided free publicity for Mrs. King's restaurant. He also publicized Charley Hong's activities, although in an increasingly less positive way.

Bill Adams's attitude toward Hong and Jerome's Chinese community seemed to deteriorate along with the economy. After Adams informed his readers, in July 1909, that immigration officials were trying to deport Charley Hong, he followed up the announcement with an unusual number of stories chronicling problems with "chinks." When someone murdered a local Chinese man, Adams buried the story on page four; when a Chinese man in New York murdered a white girl, the story was front-page news in Jerome. In both cases, Adams went out of his way to demean the Chinese. Even in an era when Indian males were referred to as "bucks" and "savages," Negroes were described being stupid and lazy, and Chinese were dismissed as slant-eyed "Celestials," Adams's attack on Charley Hong was uncommonly virulent.

The stage was set when Mrs. King opened her restaurant in competition with the Bon Ton. In short order, Constable King reported to the Mining News that Chinese men were raiding the refuse boxes of local meat markets. King clearly implied that Hong and other Chinese restauranteurs were serving the discarded meat to their unsuspecting patrons. When the Chinese community supposedly asked Adams to identify the guilty parties, he responded "that it was the Bon Ton restaurant that was warned, and it was a Chinaman from the Charley Hong restaurant that was captured in the meat market with the goods on them [ sic ]."10

With this opening salvo, Adams quickly went on the offensive, expanding his attack on Hong to include Jerome's entire Chinese community. Like his counterparts elsewhere in the country, Adams complained that Chinese immigrants did not support local businesses. They lived on almost nothing and sent most of their earnings home to China. "The 25 or 30 Chinamen residing in Jerome do not purchase as much wearing apparel in Jerome as any three white men living here," Adams observed. "Do they help the druggists, the lodging houses, the hotels, the barbers, in fact any business carried on in our city," he asked. "If these Chinese would remove from Jerome," he predicted, "it would leave room for at least fifty white people who would spend their money at home, thus increasing local business to a great extent."11

Restaurants were extremely important in mining camps, where most miners lacked cooking facilities. In Jerome, as elsewhere, competition to fill miners' stomachs involved race and gender. Restaurant advertisements in the Mining News typically assured potential customers that white people cooked the food. Many local restaurants and boarding houses were run by women. For years, Mrs. L. L. Bell operated a Jerome eating establishment, which she periodically sold and later repurchased. When Mrs. Bell's establishment was put up for sale in 1907, the Mining News touted it as "the only restaurant conducted by white people in Jerome." Two years later, Mrs. King became Jerome's second female restaurateur. 12
The furor over Charley Hong's alleged use of tainted meat obscured the fact that he was undercutting Mrs. King's business by selling food more cheaply. "For eight and one-third cent[s] per meal more than it costs you at one of those filthy Chinese restaraunts," Adams fumed, "you can eat at any white restaraunt in town." And, he pointed out, diners could enjoy "food that is cooked by white people in a clean kitchen." As weeks passed, Adams grew steadily more indignant over the alleged uncleanliness of Hong's establishment. An October headline blared:

FOUND MAGGOTS IN SOUP IN HONG RESTAURANT-REPUTABLE CITIZEN WILL BET $500 HE CAN PROVE IT--More Positive Evidence That the Chinese Restaurants of Jerome are Run in a Most Unsanitary Way--Chinaman Washes His Diseased Legs in Meat Room of Restaurant--What Caused the Sores on This Chink's Legs?13

Adams soon expanded his disgust with "Conditions in Jerome's Chinatown" to include white people who protected the Chinese. "God, the pit of it, that white people should stoop so low as to crave the privilege of protecting them," he railed. At this point, gender enters the story. The object of Adams's outrage was a woman, Laura Nihell, editor of the rival weekly Jerome Copper Belt.14

Although competition between newspaper editors serving the same relatively small population was commonplace, until the Hong incident flared up, Adams had treated Mrs. Nihell with professional respect. The wife of tinsmith and printer Isaac P. Nihell, Laura began her journalism career in 1905 as a reporter for a newspaper in Prescott, the county seat located on the other side of the rugged mountains. In announcing her appointment, Adams had proudly referred to Nihell as "one of the best news rustlers in the country." She even worked occasionally for Adams, running the Mining News when he was out of town.15

When Laura Nihell became editor of the Jerome CopperBelt in early 1909, making her the only female newspaper editor in the Southwest, Adams welcomed her into the local news community. During the spring before the storm over Hong broke, Adams mentioned Nihell's trip to San Diego, as casually as he noted the comings and goings of other local citizens. A month passed after Adams's initial outburst against Hong before he obliquely included Nihell in his attack. In a front-page article, Adams-who had accused Chinese men of lusting after white women-reminded his readers that the southern Arizona copper town of Bisbee forbade Chinese from sleeping there overnight. The Jerome editor thought he knew the reason why. "During the past two months the News has been informed a number of times that chinamen on the streets Jerome when women and young ladies were passing have been seen to act in a manner that made the blood of Americans who witnessed their actions boil with indignation," he reported. "Do you think that they are a desirable people and deserve to be protected," Adams asked.16

Adams's diatribe echoed events that he had reported on late that summer. In August, the Mining News reprinted from the New York Evening, journal the story of Elsie Sigel, a young white woman engaged in urban mission work who had been murdered by a Chinese man. "It is too late to do anything for this girl, degraded then murdered," the New York paper reported. "But it is not too late to protect the hundreds of other white girls that misguided zeal or stupid ignorance sends to work among the Chinese." The Evening Journal suggested that Sigel's murder, however abominable, was partly the girl's own fault. "A certain number of Chinese come here, or they are here already, and their women are excluded," the newspaper explained. "And our women . . . associate deliberately, under the hypocritical guise of religion, with Chinese thus compelled to live falsely and in defiance of Nature's laws." No wonder Chinese men responded to any opportunity to have sexual relations with white women. As a solution to the problem, the Evening Journal suggested that "the yellow races have plenty of opportunity to develop in Asia; they should stay there and work there . . . . This country should be kept for the races that can work side by side."17

Evidently, Bill Adams agreed. While he was fuming over the Hong incident, the Jerome newspaperman noticed that local Chinese men were likewise ogling white girls. The problem seemed to be endemic through Arizona. On November 12, Adams reprinted a story from a Phoenix newspaper. Under the headline "Mongolian has Caucasian for Wife: Chinese Couple of Phoenix are Forced to Separate in Obedience to Arizona Statute," the article described how a patron had grown suspicious of the relations between a Caucasian waitress at Phoenix's French Kitchen restaraunt and a Chinese man named Sing. Authorities who investigated found the two cohabitating. Further inquiry revealed that the couple had married seven years previously in New Mexico. "It makes no difference in what state the ceremony might have been said," Adams fumed, "Arizona does not permit such alliance .... The News does not believe there is an eligible white woman in Arizona sufficiently degraded to accept the hand of a Mongolian."18

[image of Laura Nihell]

During the several months since leveling his initial allegation against Charley Hong, Adams rode his racist horse for all it was worth, pulling in evidence and incidents from any source he could find. He appeared to be obsessed with everything related to the Chinese. Initially containing his anti-Chinese comments to a paragraph or two, Adams began to dwell on the topic in weekly editorials. The Mining News also published front-page items denigrating the Chinese, as well as demeaning poems and prose paragraphs randomly scattered throughout the four-page paper.

As time passed, Adams increasingly directed his anger toward Laura Nihell. The rival editor personified for Adams the type of woman who defended the Chinese. He even intimated that there were sexual undertones in Nihell's connection to Hong. In a piece on the upcoming territorial fair, Adams suggested that organizers "should put on exhibition the quasi editor of the Jerome Copper Belt . . . with Charley Hong as relief in the background holding ITS skirts aloft so as only to expose ITS pittoes."19

Like other critics who sought to protect sacred motherhood by castigating the "new woman," Adams ridiculed Nihell's motives in attempting to "mother" a Chinese adult. Referring to Nihell as "Old Mother Petticoats," he printed on the front page of the Mining News a crude drawing of a buxom woman leading stupid-looking, childlike Chinese men, one of whom is carrying a soup bucket in his hand. Several times, Adams portrayed Nihell as a hen guarding her nest. "The old hen has commenced to squawk and side-step, averring that the putrid egg she produced is that of the rooster," he mocked. "The contention, though flimsy, is a timely one, and she may be able to prove an alibi, but those conversant with barnyard cackling will be suspicious that she is the quasi party to the rottenness of the yolk." Finally, Adams warned that "it will not do to leave the old domineck [ sic ] and herd with the "yaller birds."20

In an editorial published as the battle was entering its third month, Adams attacked Nihell-whom he described as a serpenttongued "virago"-for her spirited defense of Hong. "[Laura Nihell] for the last few weeks has indulged in explatives not taught her sex where good breeding is inculcated," Adams sputtered. "We would rather that those who instigated the articles would father their subdued sentiments. It is not to our liking that we notice the mudslinging of a woman; it would be far more preferable to wield a pen in defense of the gentler sex; nothing could please us better than were the female sex never in need of vindication."21

Although by now Hong had all but disappeared from Adams's columns, he did not vanish altogether. By November, Adams who in July had praised Hong as the type of Chinaman you would want around-was demanding Hong's deportation. At the same time, Hong was appealing a ruling that he must leave the country by December 15, 1909.

During the height of the controversy, Charley King sued Laura Nihell for allegedly libeling members of his family. She was arrested and held on $300 bond, but not indicted. Because Nihell's columns have not survived, we do not know exactly what she wrote that sparked King's indignation. Apparently, she either hinted at or directly charged that King and his wife were attacking Hong's integrity in order to further their own economic interests. Charley Hong, in turn, filed a libel suit against Bill Adams. It, too, was dismissed.

Adams was correct in portraying Hong and Nehill as allies in the newspaper battle. They may have gravitated toward each other because both felt vulnerable for being in a place where they didn't belong. Nihell, a woman, did not "belong" in the newspaper business. Hong, a Chinese immigrant, did not "belong" in Jerome. Bill Adams, on the other hand, clearly fit in the Jerome community, and he used this sense of inclusion to attack the outsiders who were attempting to wheedle their way in. He hadn't minded either Hong or Nihell so long as they quietly remained in their appropriate places, where he could patronize them while publicly wishing them well. He could be their protector until they began protecting themselves. Then all bets were off.

Adams's newspaper was a powerful weapon for broadcasting his outrage. The Mining News was what its name implies-a journal whose primary function was to publish information on mining activities in the area, the state, and sometimes the nation and the world. It talked up local discoveries, fledgling enterprises, and cutting-edge mining equipment. It discouraged "wildcatting" while it touted hot investments. It made its readers feel important. But mining hype alone did not sell newspapers. Adams needed to cover local news as well. Although he lacked the flare of many smalltown editors for reporting society events, he basically gave the public what they wanted.

Like many of his frontier counterparts, Bill Adams expressed strong political opinions. He was passionately opposed to socialism, loved Democrats, and used his newspaper as an election soapbox. At no other time, however, did he become so personally and irately involved with an issue as he did in the Hong case.
We do not know what sparked Adams's tirade against Charley Hong. Adams claimed it was the tainted meat Hong allegedly served his customers; Laura Nihell said it was the fact that Hong had demanded that Adams pay his large restaurant tab. It could have been something else. Regardless, the immediate cause of the fracas is less important than the way in which the battle was waged.

As Adams's fury increased, his objectivity decreased and his writing disintegrated. As this happened, he unconsciously revealed the fundamental issues at play in his attitude toward the Chinese and anyone who sided with them. The Chinese, in Adams's eyes, were religious misfits, as well as sexual and economic pariahs. They threatened both American manhood and womanhood. As such, the Chinese were dangerous and could no longer be tolerated on the streets of Jerome. They stood in the path of civilization and a mining camp's progression to a first-class town. Their defenders, especially if they were women, were as bad-or worse-than the Chinese themselves.

Adams was not a lone voice. There is ample evidence that other newspapers shared his attitudes toward the Chinese. For example, in reporting on the Jerome case, the Prescott Arizona Journal Miner seldom used Hong's name, referring to him simply as "the celestial." At the same time, it published an article that denigrated Asian newspapers in the Southwest, pointing out that the papers were pathetically small and the Chinese wrote funny. "There is a Chinese hysteria of script all over the southwestern states and Mexico," the newspaper reported. "There is even a hen's foot or two on poor little Cuba. The map, in all, is Oriental enough to start a yellow peril under the proper conditions." Underlying the Journal Miner 's dismissive humor lay the very real fear that Anglos would suffer if the Chinese became powerful.22

Curiously, the Prescott newspaper provides the only evidence of how the Hong/King/Adams/Nib ell fracas affected Jerome's citizens. According to the, Journal Miner , the acrimonious exchange agitated and divided the community. "[The controversy] started over a comparatively trivial matter and the resulting fight between the two newspapers of the town degenerated into personalities between the rival nonwielders," the Prescott paper explained. "Feeling at Jerome is now said to be at a white heat, for King and his supporter, W. S. Adams of the Jerome Mining News , and Mrs. Nihell of the Copper Belt, all have their friends." In this case, the newspapers did not just report events, they created them.23

Eventually, the furor over Charley Hong sputtered out. Adams and Nihell continued to print their newspapers, Constable King kept his job, and Charley Hong pursued his various businesses in and around Jerome. But the Mining News , like other anti-Chinese newspapers of the day, had accomplished its mission. Most Chinese withdrew from outlying communities in Arizona, just as they with-drew from mining towns all over the West. The social and cultural climate that newspapers helped create was not conducive to Chinese immigrants' health. Nearby Prescott once had several hundred Chinese residents. By 1910, only a handful remained. Faced with economic barriers and social hostility on the frontier, the Chinese withdrew to urban areas like Seattle, Washington; Portland, Oregon; and San Francisco, California. Others returned to China.24

Approximately 1,500 Chinese lived in Arizona during the territorial period; today, a visitor finds little evidence that the Chinese ever flourished here. Their buildings are gone. Their artifacts are buried and rotting. Their graves, more often than not, lack permanent markers. Still, people exhibit an almost morbid curiosity about the vanished Chinese and seek out the tunnels through which they supposedly scurried, carrying food and perhaps opium to white customers. Although their drug-, sex-, and crime-related exploits enliven local myths, the Chinese immigrants' susceptibility to economic fluctuations, the threat they posed to white men's concepts of manhood and to American civilization, and their economic competition with working-class white women are seldom part of the story. For a brief moment, in Jerome, Arizona, a window opened and quickly closed, exposing racial tensions in the waning days of the mining frontier.25

NOTES

1  Phoenix Enterprise , August 26, 1899, quoted in Nancy Lee Prichard, "Paradise Found? Opportunity for Mexican, Irish, Italian and Chinese Born Individuals in Jerome Copper Mining District, 1890-1910 (Ph.D. diss., University of Colorado, 1992), p. 175. For general background, see Liping Zhu, A Chinaman's Chance: The Chinese on the Rocky Mountain Mining Frontier (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 1997), and William H. Lyon, Those Old Yellow Dog Days: Frontier Journalism in Arizona, 1859-1912 (Tucson: Arizona Historical Society, 1994).

2  Assessor's Records, Yavapai County Recorder's Office (YCRO), Prescott. For a list of anti-Chinese restrictions, see Jack Chen, The Chinese of America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harper & Row, 1980). Background on Charley Hong and the Chinese in Jerome is in Bill Roberts, The Traveler (November 1993); and Kathryn Reisdorfer, "Jerome Chinese," The Jerome Chronicle (Summer 2002).

3 Jerome Reporter , no date, 1898, quoted in Pilchard, "Paradise Found," p. 175. See also, W. S. Adams obituary in Prescott Journal Miner , November 20, 1932.

4 Jerome Mining News , June 25, 1900. In 1901, the Arizona legislature passed a law stating that "The marriage of a person of Caucasian blood with a Negro or Mongolian is null and void." Chinese could, however, marry Mexicans. H. M. Lai and P. P. Choy, Outlines: History of the Chinese in America (San Francisco: n.p., 1971), p. 97. See also, Roger D. Hardaway, "Unlawful Love: A History of Arizona's Miscegenation Law," Journal of Arizona History [ JAH ], vol. 27 (Winter 1986), pp. 377-90.

5 Jerome Mining News , July 18, 1909. Because census records are inconsistent, it is impossible to determine whether or not Charley Hong was married. He does not appear to have: had a wife in Arizona, although he may have had a wife in China. Although the 1888 Scott Act bared the reentry of Chinese laborers who left America, the law clearly was ineffective since many Chinese, including Charley Hong, periodically visited their homeland.

6  U.S. Department of the Census, Population Statistics, Yavapai County, Arizona , 1880 and 1900. The 1890 census has been lost.

7 Jerome Mining News , May 8, 22, 1909.

8  Arizona Journal Miner (Prescott), November 9, 1909; Jerome Mining News , May 18, 1909.

9 Jerome Mining News , May 8, 1909. The economic downturn is also reflected in the Engineering and Mining Journal cited in Colleen Stitt, "Fickle Friends: Copper and Community in Globe, Arizona, 1900-1930" (Ph.D. diss., Arizona State University, 1999), p. 53.

10 Jerome Mining News , September 4, 11, 1909.

11  Ibid., October 2, 1909.

12  Ibid., September 14, 1909.

13  Ibid., October 2, 1909.

14  Ibid., September 18, 1909.

15  Ibid., December 5, 1905; Arizona Journal Miner , October 24, 1909.

16  Arizona Journal Miner , October 24, 1909; Jerome Mining News , September 25. 1909. Since no copies of the Copper Belt exist for this period, the only direct evidence of Nihell's stance is contained in several editions of the Arizona Journal Miner .

17  New York Evening Journal , reprinted in Jerome Mining News , August 20, 1909.

18 Arizona Journal Miner , November 9, 1909; Jerome Mining News , November 9, 1909.

19  Quoted in Arizona Journal Miner , November 9, 1909.

20 Jerome Mining News , October 30, 1909.

21  Ibid.

22 Arizona Journal Miner , October 24, 26, 1909. Edna Robinson, "Chinese Journalism in California," Out West, vol. 16 (January 1902), pp. 33-42, praised the four Chinese dailies published in San Francisco, while pointing out that the Bay City was the only California comu1unity with a Chinese population large enough to support special language newspapers. The Prescott newspaper may have exaggerated the prevalence of Chinese journalism in the West.

23 Arizona Journal Miner , October 24, 1909.

24  U.S. Department of the Census, Population Statistics, lavarai County, Arizona , 1880 and 1900. See also, Florence C. and Robert H. Lister, "Chinese Sojourners in Territorial Prescott," Journal of the Southwest , vol. 31 (Spring 1989), pp. 1-111.

25  Lawrence Michael Fong, "Sojourners and Settlers: The Chinese Experience in Arizona," JAH , vol. 21 (Autumn 1980), pp. 227-56.

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