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CHAPTER VI:
THE ROYAL FORT OF ST. IGNATIUS AT TUBAC

H. Religion at Tubac

At the same time that the early Spanish conquistadores in the New World were slightly irrational in their pursuit of metallic wealth they were little less fanatical in their pursuit of souls. The Spanish conquest was never entirely secular, for the conversion of heathens to Christianity, the true faith, was a powerful motivation to the devout Moslem-fighters from the Iberian Peninsula. It was always a powerful factor in crown policy since the whole legal basis of Spain's New World possessions rested upon its conversion of the natives (Simpson 1950:1) from the European point of view. Roman Catholic priests were with the first mainland expeditions and participated in the conquest of the Aztec Empire and the deliberate attempt to eradicate the aboriginal religion.

By the time significant interpersonal contact between Spaniards and northern Piman Indians took place, the crown, colonial administrators and the church had worked out an 273efficient frontier institution-the Indian mission (Bolton 1939:107148). This was the main institutional context in which persons of both cultures met and learned from one another on the succession of Sonoran frontiers, aside from the presidio or military fort. It was the only Spanish contact institution of an official nature on the northern Piman frontier until the forts of Tubac and Altar were founded.

Formal, organized religion played a very important part in the lives of the presidial soldiers and their families. The Spaniards had been reared in an essentially authoritarian culture in which leadership and social sanctions percolated downward through a social hierarchy with the father, the Alcalde, the governor, the viceroy, the king, the pope, and God as ultimate sources of authority for larger and larger social units (the family, the city or district, the province, the kingdom, Spain, Catholicism and mankind respectively). The frontiersmen were conditioned to church rituals at all major life crises-baptism shortly after birth, confirmation to mark intellectual maturity, marriage to mark assumption of fully adult status, and last rites in preparation for deaths solemnized by burial ceremonies.

The Tubac troops were lucky in having Roman Catholic priests located relatively nearby who could be called upon to officiate at such crisis rites, and to celebrate mass and administer communion and hear confessions. They were even luckier in that these priests were missionaries supported by the royal exchequer and therefore inhibited from charging the 274normal fees for their services-although Tubac was still tithed for the benefit of the nearest parish priest. When the Tubac fort was established and for some years thereafter most of the missionaries stationed at the nearby missions were Jesuits of German birth, whose Spanish was very likely not of the best, and whose attitude toward frontier Spaniards quite probably produced an air of arrogance ill becoming men of the cloth (Treutlein 1949:284-295). Whether for this reason or because of familial and social ties to the more southerly and older settled parts of Sonora whence must of them had been recruited, the Tubac soldiers frequently traveled over sixty miles to the mission of San Ignacio to have rites of passage performed. There the rector was a Swiss, but a notably gentle and holy soul who had been in Sonora for twenty years when the fort was founded, and may have spoken better Spanish along with playing an humble priest's role.

In general the Jesuits stationed at Holy Angels of Guebavi Mission provided spiritual leadership and sanctified ritual to the Tubac population until the expulsion of their order from the Spanish dominions in the summer of 1767. The social ties between presidial officers and priests were much closer than between the latter and lesser grades. As in most armies Spanish chaplains rated as officers, and priests were treated accordingly on the frontier where they performed most of the functions of chaplains in the absence of secular priests to act as such.

2751. Church

The fairly easy availability of mission churches and missionaries at Guebavi or Santa María Soamca apparently operated to delay the Tubac Spaniards from erecting a church of their own. Even though Captain Juan Thomas de Beldarrain seems to have enjoyed fairly intimate relationships with Father Francisco Pauer, whom he invited to become his compadre (Libro de Bautismos y Casamientos de los Pueblos...de Santa María Soamca f. 17v), he did not initiate church construction at his post.

This expensive project was left up to rich young Captain Juan Bautista de Anza after he took command of Tubac in 1760.  Even though Anza imported his wife's brother to act as post chaplain (Tamarón 1937:305) supported in part by his wife and in part by money contributed by the troops (Rubí Dec. 22, 1766), he did not begin building a church at once-probably clearing a room in his quarters to serve as a chapel. In fact, Anza did not start a church until spurred into action by the episcopal visit of the Jesuit Ignacio Lizasoain acting on behalf of the good governor of Durango, Pedro Tamarón y Romeral. The latter reported that "here there is no chapel" (Tamarón 1937:305). The governor's report on his visitation of his diocese was based on data collected at the tine, and since his representative inspected Guebavi Mission on November 19, 1761 (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, p. 129-130), it seems safe to assume that Tamarón y Romeral's statement about Tubac's lack of a chapel applied to a date within a few 276days of that time. As a result of Lizasoain's visit, the chaplain was moved to begin a church (Tamarón 1937:305). This structure was evidently completed-very likely at the expense of Captain Anza for the most part-by December of 1766 or within two or three years thereafter, for Urrutia's map shows a capacious church northwest of the captain's quarters and headquarters building.

In the later years of the post the women had a real church in which to gather to say the rosary, an altar with which to fuss and decorate. The visiting priests had a decent place to vest and celebrate the mass.

2. Jesuit Missionaries at Guebavi Mission

Between the founding of the fort at Tubac in 1752 and the expulsion of the Society of Jesus from the possessions of the king of Spain in 1767, a number of Jesuits served at Guebavi Mission. Since Guebavi was the mission nearest to the fort, the priests there provided the bulk of the rituals attended by the people of Tubac, and officiated at most of their baptisms, marriages, burials and administered them the last rites of the Church when they could. During those fifteen years the following priests provided spiritual consolation and moral leadership to the garrison and the civilian settlers at Tubac.

a. Juan Nentvig. Johannus Nentwig was a native of Glatz in modern Czechoslovakia, where he was born March 28, 1713. Having entered the Society of Jesus in 1734, he went 277into the mission field in New Spain (Almada 1952:504). Nentwig had pioneered a mission at Saric on the eve of the Pima Revolt of 1751, and had barely escaped with his life on November 21 when Captain-General Luís Oapicagigua sprang his giant trap (Ewing 1945:261). Fleeing to San Ignacio Mission after the brief defense of Tubutama, Nentwig participated in the reconversion efforts following the military defeat of the northern Pimans. He officiated at Guebavi from mid-March to mid-May of 1753 according to his entries (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Bautismos, pp. 96-97), and recorded no services to the Tubac garrison so his contact with the Tubac people was probably very short.

In 1754 Nentwig was sent south to Tecoripa and transferred to Guasabas in 1760 (Almada 1952:504) where he remained until the Jesuits were expelled (Treutlein 1949:263). He was then rector of the area and summoned the Sonoran Jesuits to Matape to hear the decree of expulsion read (Dunne 1937: 21). Arrested with the rest of the Sonoran Jesuits, Nentwig shared their hardships during their long periods of waiting for transportation and died in the graveyard of the Sonoran expulsos, Ixtlan del Rio in modern Nayarit, on September 11, 1768 (ibid., p. 25).

b. Alonso Espinosa. Espinosa was born February 1, 1723, in the Canary Islands and entered the Society in 1743 (Almada 1952:253). Like Nentvig he participated in the reconversion of the northern Pimans following their defeat in 1752, working out of San Ignacio Mission during 1754 and into mid-April 278of 1755 (Libro do Bautismos del Partido de San Ygnacio de Caburica, p. 186-192). He was sent to re-establish the mission at St. Francis Xavier at Bac about forty miles north of Tubac (Gardiner 1957:1), was transferred to Caborca and returned to Bac in 1761 (Almada 1952:253).

Father Alonso apparently spent little time at Guebavi but visited from time to time and officiated for Tubac families. His earliest entry in the Guebavi records (Libro de Bautismos, Santos Angeles de Guebavi, p. 107) was the last day of December in 1755. Exactly two years later he baptized the son of the fort's lieutenant (ibid., p. 112), indicating that Lt. Ramires and his wife Barthola de la Peña held him in high regard. He may have traveled to Guebavi especially for that baptism.

Early in February of the following year 1758 Espinosa baptized nine Indians from his visitation station at Tucson (ibid., p. 112). Evidently he took them on a grand tour to the outposts of civilization at Tubac and Guebavi rather than baptize them at his own mission if he were at Bac at the time. If he were then at Caborca,the Tucson Indians must have preferred him to the then-minister at Guebavi and arranged to meet him there or to arrive when he was visiting.

In 1759 Espinosa officiated at all the main social events of the year in the baptismal field. In February he baptized another child of Lt. Juan Ramires (ibid., p. 115), and on the same day in August he baptized a daughter of the

Early in 1766 Espinosa was transferred to Caborca Mission which he reached by February 27 (Libro de Casamientos de Nuestra Senora del Populo de Bisanig, f. 105v), and there he remained until the Jesuit expulsion (Treutlein 1949:263). He died at El Yuste on September 21, 1763, during the southward trek of the expelled Jesuits (Almada 1952:253).

c. Francisco Pauer. Like Nentwig, Pauer had just founded a mission when the Pima Revolt of 1751 forced him to flee for his life. His pioneering effort was directed at the large settlement at Bac where an Indian official warned him of his danger when the news of the revolt at Saric arrived, and packed him off with his foreman before the deliberative Bac population decided whether to join the rebellion or not (Chrisptoval Oct, 19, 1754). Reaching San Ignacio Mission in safety, Pauer participated in the reconversion efforts following the surrender of the rebels. His headquarters from early in 1753 was the mission of Guebavi (Stoner 1937:36), but his efforts did not really pay off until 1754.

Pauer used the new fort to reinforce he lessons of defeat and the learning experience involved n Catholic rituals for the defeated Indian. When he had rounded up a large number of candidates for baptism from Bac and other places, he took them to the fort of Tubac on January 1, 1754, for the ceremony (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Bautismos, p. 100-101). 280He repeated this operation on January 6 with four children from Sópori and on March 28 with three more and three days later three more (ibid., p. 102).

By 1755 the very busy priest had time to officiate at baptismal ceremonies for Tubac infants and Níxora Indian slaves belonging to the Captain (ibid., p. 108). He acted as godparent to the Beldarrain child baptized by Father Keller in 1755 (Libro de Bautismos y Casamientos de los Pueblos de Visita de Santa María Soamca f. 17v) and another baptized by Father Espinosa in 1759 (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Bautismos, p. 117). During 1756 Pauer performed several marriages for people at Tubac and Indian couples whose witnesses were Tubac residents (ibid., Libro de Casamientos, p. 31-32)

Pauer's worst year so far as burials of Tubac parishioners were concerned was 1759 when he buried two soldiers and the post comandant (ibid., Libro de Entierros p. 59). Early the following year between January 15 (Stoner 1937:36& Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Bautismos p. 119) and January 20 (Libro de Bautismos de este Pueblo de S.a María Magdalena en los Pimas, p. 21), Father Pauer transferred to San Ignacio Mission to assist the aging and ailing Father Stiger. There he remained until the expulsion of his order from Spanish dominions in the summer of 1767 (Treutlein 1949:263). He survived the rigors of expulsion to die January 6, 1770, at the seaport of Santa María in Spain: (Almada 1952:558).

281d. Miguel Gerstner. Miguel Gerstner was a German born March 18, 1723, at Worzburg. He entered the Society of Jesus in 1744 in the Upper Rhine Province (Treutlein 1949:2). Gerstner arrived in New Spain in 1755 in company with Fathers Och, Middendorf and Pfefferkorn. According to the last named, he went first to the Saric Mission (ibid., 260). Gerstner visited Guebavi during January of 1757 (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libros de Casamientos y Bautismos, p. 32 & 110) but probably had little contact with people at the presidio. He visited Soamca at the same period (Libro de Baptismos de los Pueblos de Sta María...desde 1732, p. 61).

In 1760 Gerstner replaced Pauer at Guebavi mission on January 16 (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Bautismos p.119). Either no one got married at Tubac during his tour of duty there or he failed to arouse the enthusiasm of bridal couples, for he married no one from Tubac during his year and a half in charge of the neighboring mission. On the other hand he baptized a number of children of Tubac residents and their Níxora Indian slaves (ibid., p. 121-124) for this was a period of high birthrate at Tubac. Gerstner buried the wife of a soldier (ibid., Libro de Entierros p. 60) but only one, indicating quite a low death rate at the post.

Father Miguel left Guebavi again in the middle of 1761, after May 26 (Stoner 1937:36) apparently to return to Saric where Pfefferkorn listed him at the time of the Jesuit (no 282:283expulsion in 1767 (Treutlein 1949:263). He evidently returned to Saric because his replacement there fell ill and had to be transferred south. He survived the rigors of expulsion and was able to continue as a secular priest in later years (Almada 1952:308).

3. Bernhard Middendorf. Westphalia was the land of birth of Bernhard Middendorf on October 14, 1723. He entered the Society of Jesus in 1741 (Almada 1952:466). He departed from Siegburg in other hand he baptized a number of children of Tubac residents and their Níxora Indian slaves (ibid., p. 121-124) for this was a period of high birthrate at Tubac. Gerstner buried the wife of a soldier (ibid., Libro de Entierros p. 60) but only one, indicating quite a low death rate at the post.

Father Miguel left Guebavi again in the middle of 1761, after May 26 (Stoner 1937:36) apparently to return to Saric where Pfefferkorn listed him at the time of the Jesuit (no 282:283expulsion in 1767 (Treutlein 1949:263). He evidently returned to Saric because his replacement there fell ill and had to be transferred south. He survived the rigors of expulsion and was able to continue as a secular priest in later years (Almada 1952:308).

3. Bernhard Middendorf. Westphalia was the land of birth of Bernhard Middendorf on October 14, 1723. He entered the Society of Jesus in 1741 (Almada 1952:466). He departed from Siegburg in laid him low and he was sent to Batúc (Treutlein 1940:9). Middendorf had very likely replaced Gerstner at Saric when the latter moved to Guebavi.

Middendorf visited Guebavi and its visitation stations during August of 1757 (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Bautismos, p. 111), but there is no direct evidence of his contacts with the people of Tubac, and they were probably insignificant. He probably was visiting from Bac.

Transferred to Movas in 1766, Middendorf was still there when the order of expulsion arrived (Treutlein 1949:8).  He eventually returned to Westphalia (Almada 1952:466).

f. Ignaz Pfefferkorn. Gerstner's replacement at Guebavi Mission was a German Jesuit born at Mannheim on July 31, 1725 (Treutlein 1949:1). Ignaz Pfefferkorn entered the Society of Jesus on October 31, 1742 (Almada 1952:558; Treutlein 1949:2) and reached New Spain in 1755 (Treutlein 1949:260). He was sent to found a mission at Ati in 1756 (ibid., p. 261) remaining at Ati until shortly after May 10 of 1761 (Libro de Bautismos del Partido de Huquitoa de 1757) when he transferred to Guebavi where he arrived on May 28 or earlier (Stoner 1937:36; Libro de Bautismos, Santos Angeles de Guebavi, p. 128).

Pfefferkorn officiated on occasion for the people of Tubac while at Guebavi Mission, although with no apparent frequency. Tubac residents continued to stand as godparents of 285baptism to Indian infants (ibid., p. 129) and Pfefferkorn baptized some children born at the fort (ibid., p. 132). He seems to have married no one from the post during his two-year tour at Guebavi. Pfefferkorn buried a great many persons during the years he spent at Guebavi, but he performed this last service for only one child of a soldier from Tubac, even during the 1762 epidemic (ibid., Libro de Entierros, p. 64).

Pfefferkorn himself fell victim of a clinging fever which weakened him so much that his superiors transferred him across the mountains to the more compatible, old-established mission at Cucurpe (Treutlein 1949:263). Transferred to Cucurpe in 1763 sometime after May 30 (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Casamientos, p. 40), Pfefferkorn remained there until the Jesuit expulsion (Almada 1952:558). He spent a number of years in custody in Spain and eventually returned to Germany through the intercession of his sister with the Elector of Cologne in 1777, and the latter's good offices with the Spanish king (Treutlein 1949:13). Back in his homeland Pfefferkorn, an embittered ex-Jesuit, wrote a vituperative account of Sonora and its people, both Spanish and Indian. Much of Pfefferkorn's description of Spanish frontier forts was necessarily drawn from his two years' residence next door to Tubac and is used in this report for details no one else bothered recording. Pfefferkorn's evident bias must be kept in mind in reading his descriptions.

286g. Custodio Ximeno. One of the few Spanish Jesuits in the Sonoran frontier missions was Pfefferkorn's successor at Guebavi Mission, Custodio Ximeno, who began officiating at Guebavi in June of 1783, (Santos Angelesde Guebavi, Libro de Casamientos p. 40). Ximeno was born in Valdelinares in the Province of Soria in Spain on May 1, 1734. He entered the Society in the year of the northern Piman surrender after their revolt-1752 (Almada 1952:833). Like Pfefferkorn, Ximeno had to bury a large number of Indians of his mission and its visitation stations (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Entierros, p. 67-74). Since the baptismal section of the Guebavi Mission register kept after Pfefferkorn's time has not survived, information about Ximeno's baptisms is lacking. He married a number of couples but none from Tubac (ibid., Libro de Casamientos p. 40-46).

Custodio Ximeno officiated as late as June 14, 1767, at Tumacácori (ibid., p. 46). The historian Francisco R. Almada (1952:833) claimed that Ximeno was in charge of the mission at Caborca at the time of the expulsion and that Pedro Díaz was in charge of Guebavi (ibid., p. 218). This is an error. Pfefferkorn listed Ximeno at Guebavi and Espinosa at Caborca (Treutlein 1949:263) and the records of both missions bear out Pfefferkorn's listing.

3. Secular Clergy at Tubac

Br. Joachín Feliz Díaz was only a temporary curate of 287the Nacosari parish (Nentvig 1941:147) when he braved the dangers of Apache assault to visit Tubac and the nearby missions. On March 28 of 1754 the local Jesuit missionary applied the holy oils of baptism to four captive Apache youngsters whom the parish priest had put the baptismal waters to earlier, (Libro de Bautismos y Casamientos de los Pueblos de Visita...de Santa María Soamca, f. 13). At that time Felis Díaz was not even the Nacosari curate, the incumbent being Br. Joaquin R. Rey (Nentvig 1941:147). In 1759 after Rey's death, however, Felis Díaz returned again to the post, where he baptized a boy on November 4 (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Bautismos p. 117). He probably revisited Tubac again the following year for he baptized at Soamca on July 21 (Libro de Baptismos de los Pueblos de Sta María..desde 1732 p. 66), and would not likely have traveled that far north from Nacosari without going on to Tubac.

The notable lack of enthusiasm for visiting the royal fort of St. Ignatius at Tubac the Nacosari curates often displayed is easily understood because of the clear and present danger of Apache attacks during the long trip to the post. At least one parish priest, Joaquin Rodriguez Rey, was killed on just such a journey in 1755 despite his trooper escort (Nentvig 1951:147). On the other hand the Nacosari curate was obligated to the Tubac garrison which was tithed for his benefit. The parish priest at Nacosari gained about 300 pesos from the Tubac post, although the commander paid 288the tithes in goods just as the taxed troopers were recompensed, so the value he received was somewhat less (ibid., p. 146).

As stated elsewhere Captain Juan Bautista de Anza attempted to secure a presidial chaplain to minister to the spiritual needs of his troops and the rest of the Tubac population by importing his wife's brother to act in this capacity. This priest was Joséph Manual Díaz del Carpio, probably a son of Captain Joséph Díaz del Carpio, former comandant at Terrenate. He recorded two baptisms during February of 1760 (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, Libro de Bautismos, p. 120) which was the month Anza took command of the post. The infants baptized were apparently Spanish. In September Díaz baptized a Pima Indian of Tumacácori (ibid., p. 128A) and in October he baptized another Pima from that settlementwith license from Pfefferkorn. Citizens of the fort acted as godparents (ibid., p. 128B).

Bishop Pedro Tamarón y Romeral's report on his episcopal visitation is authority for the statement that Br. Díaz del Carpio was the Tubac chaplain and Anza's brother-in-law (Tamarón 1937:304-305). Díaz del Carpio was acting with faculties from the curate of Nacozari when the Jesuit representative of the governor, Ignacio Lizasoin, visited Tubac in November of 1761 (Santos Angeles de Guebavi, p. 129-130).

The relative infrequency of records of baptisms, marriages and burials of residents of Tubac in the Guebavi Mission 289records after 1760 and the later Tumacácori Mission registers indicates the probability that Díaz del Carpio began a separate set of records for the fort of Tubac during 1760. That set of records was either transferred to Tucson with the garrison in 1776, or remained at Tubac and the books used filled up in 1806, when Father Narciso Gutierrez began a new set of books for the second presidial company of St. Rafael at Tubac.

During Díaz del Carpio's short stay at Tubac each trooper paid ten pesos for his salary (Acuna Dec. 23, 1766, Estrada Dec. 24, 1766), giving him an income of over 500 pesos per year.

4. Franciscan Missionaries at Guebavi-Tumacácori

Once Visitor-General José de Galvez and other royal officials had carried out the royal edict expelling the members of the Society of Jesus from New Spain, the problem of what to do with the missions formerly staffed by the Jesuits arose. As a temporary measure royal commisars were appointed to take charge of them. In Sonora Captain Lorenzo Cancio, the officer in charge of the expulsion, appointed military personnel as conmisaries. When these temporary custodians accounted for their administration in September of 1769, none was able to present intelligible accounts (Priestley 1916:285).

Many missions were secularized and placed under parish priests under governors in the normal hierarchical structure 290of the Roman Catholic Church. Many of the frontier missions were in no state to be secularized, and Spanish officialdom was quite aware of this fact and of the utility of the mission as a civilizing institution of Spanish colonialism. Therefore missionaries for the frontier missions were sought in other religious orders less odious to the King of Spain.

The poverty-vowing and relatively humble sons of St. Francis of Assisi were assigned to the northwestern Sonoran missions. The viceroy wrote to the Guardian of the College of the Holy Cross at Querétaro:

Since the religion of the institute of this College of Your Reverence is the most appropriate, I should think that your apostolic zeal and that of your brothers who reside in this of the Holy Cross would make you present yourself most fervently with ardent desires for the good of those souls who remain without spiritual leadership. In this supposition, and in that of the cause being so holy, and because of the particular orders which the King has given me, Your Reverence must dispatch fourteen religious, or at the least twelve, for the Missions of Sonora... (Arricivita 1792:394).

One of the Franciscans sent to Sonora received the mission of Guebavi with its two visitation stations and fort at Tubac (ibid., p. 396).

291a. Juan Chrisostomo Gil de Bernabé. The Franciscan jerked out of the cloisters of Querétaro to take over the administration of the isolated frontier mission at Guebavi, its visitation stations of Calabasas two leagues away, Sonoytac six leagues off, and Tumacácori seven with the large population of the royal fort at Tubac a league beyond that was Fray Juan Chrisostomo Gil de Bernabé (ibid., p. 518).

Not the least of Father Gil's problems was his complete lack of familiarity with northern Piman. The pioneer Jesuit missionaries had made a point of acquiring a speaking knowledge of northern Piman in established missions before pushing on to independent posts (Hammond 1929:223). Gil and the other Franciscans had to plunge into day-to-day administration with no prior preparation in the Indian language, finding little time for study in the press of duties and few if any instructors of the calibre the educated Jesuits were. In this situation they were reduced to complete reliance upon interpreters. These seem to have been mostly young Spaniards who had grown up in northern Piman country playing with Indian children and had acquired a working knowledge of Piman without perhaps much sophisticated grasp of its grammatical rules (Stoner & Dobyns 1959). Father Gil and his interpreter became inseparable (Arricivita 1792:51B-519).

Fray Gil de Bernabé remained in charge of Guebavi Mission for some four years, leaving in the spring of 1772 (San José de Tumacácori, Libro do Entierros f. 124-130v) to found toward the end of that year the Seri mission at Carrizal where 292he was killed by those Indians on March 7, 1773 (Almada 1952:308).

b. Francisco Sanchez Zúñiga. An interim priest came to Guebavi during the latter part of Gil's tenure there. This was Father Francisco Zúñiga, who officiated during the summer and fall of 1771 (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Entierros f. 128-129) from at least June 23 to September 16. Fray Zúñiga transferred from Guebavi to San Ignacio where he was officiating by January 31, 1772 (Libro de Entierros deste Pueblode San Ygnacio...desde 1697, f. 6). There he remained until Mar. 28, 1780 (ibid., f. 18) or somewhat later when he was replaced by Fray Pedro Antonio de Arriquibar.

c. Juan Joséph Agorreta. Father Zúñiga may have been transferred to San Ignacio for his health, for in October of 1771, Fr. Juan J. Agorreta officiated at Tumacácori "because of the illness of the Father Minister" (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Casamientos f. 3v). He could have meant Gil, of course.

d. Bartholomé Ximeno. When Father Gil left Guebavi Mission to undertake the conversion of the Seris, he was replaced by Fray Bartholomé Ximeno in the summer of 1772 (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Entierros, f. 130v). Ximeno remained until late summer of the following year (ibid., Libro de Bautismos, f. 9). His new headquarters at Tumacácori proved to be quite popular as a baptismal church for Tubac families (ibid., f. 8-8v), for it was considerably nearer the post than the old Guebavi site.

293e. Gaspar Francisco de Clemente. While Father Ximeno labored at Guebavi, the Franciscans began doubling up their personnel at this mission, and the mission headquarters was moved from Guebavi to Tumacácori. Toward the end of 1772, Ximeno was joined by Fray Gaspar Clemente (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Entierros, f. 131). The date of Clemente's departure from Tumacácori is uncertain because of the loss of a sheet from the mission records. Surviving sheets show that he was there at least as late as the end of January of 1775 (ibid., Libro de Casamientos, f. 6v).

During his tour at Tumacácori, Clemente baptized numerous children born to Tubac families (ibid., Libro de Bautismos, 10v, 11, 12-13v, 14v-15). He also married some couples who lived at the fort in 1774 (ibid., Libro de Casamientos, f. 5, 6).

f. Joséph Mathías Moreno. Father Ximeno was followed at Guebavi Mission by Joséph Matias Moreno, a native of Almarza in the Diocese of Osma in Spain, born in 1744 and taken into the order of friars minor in 1762. He came to New Spain in 1769 (Coues 1900:I:24) and became one of the veterans of the northern Piman missions and a martyr of the College of the Holy Cross. Moreno officiated at Tumacácori as interim minister from mid-October of 1773 (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Bautismos f. 9v), until early December of 1774 (ibid., f. 14v). He seems not to have married any Tubac couples, but he baptized several infants or Indian captives (ibid., 9v, 13, 14-14v).

294From Tumacácori, Moreno went to Caborca Mission. He was out officiating at the visitas of that mission by March 7, 1775 (Libro Segundo de Baptismos de San Diego del Pitiqui, f. 29). As late as February 2, 1781, he was baptizing infants in the northwesternmost mission of the northwest province (Libro I de Baptismos para el Pueblo de N. Sra del Populo del Bisanig, f. 81v). Then he was sent to help the friars already at the new establishments which were designated to become the northwesternmost outposts of Sonora on the Colorado River (Coues 1900:I:19). Moreno was killed with his partner from Caborca, Juan Díaz, and Fathers Garcés and Barrenache on July 17, 1781, by rebelling Yuma Indians (ibid. I:21-22).

g. Juan Gorgoll. Fray Juan Gorgoll visited Tumacácori Mission in January of 1774 (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Entierros, f. 132v). During his visit he baptized twice with license from the proper minister and one of the two children he baptized was from Tubac (ibid., Libro de Bautismos f. 11) so he had significant contacts with the post populace even though his stay was short.

Father Gorgoll was one of the missionaries of northern Piman country who served a number of years on the frontier. He took charge of Mission Ati and its visita at Oquitoa on February 26, 1773 (Libro de Bautismos de los Yndios Naturales del Pueblo de San Francisco de Ati de 1757, p. 32-33) and remained there at least until June 10, 1787 (Bautismos del Partido de Huquitoa de 1757).

295h. Thomas Eixarch. Easily the most popular of the Franciscan priests with the Tubac garrison was Father Thomas Eixarch. Stationed at Tumacácori Mission (Bolton 1930:I:242) during part of the tenure of Father Arriquibar, Eixarch handled the bulk of the post business in baptism and marriages, but left burials to Arriquibar. Between the middle of March of 1775 and his departure for the Colorado River on October 23 of that year (Coues 1900:I:63), Father Thomas officiated at an even dozen baptisms, and nine of these involved children from the fort (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Bautismos, f. 15-17). Two of the three weddings Eixarch performed-all during the month of May-involved newlyweds from Tubac (ibid., Libro de Casamientos f. 6v-7).

Eixarch's assignment during the Anza colonizing expedition of 1775-1776 was to spend the winter converting the Yuma Indians at the Colorado Crossing (Bolton 1930:I:242) in order to help insure their continued friendliness and cooperation for advancing the Spanish frontier. After his winter's labors among the Yuman-speaking heathen, Father Thomas rejoined Anza on the latter's return in the spring and traveled with him over the Camino del Muerto (Road of Death) from the Colorado River to Caborca, the westernmost outpost of Spanish settlement in Sonora. There the priest continued up the valley toward his home mission at Tumacácori while Anza turned south toward the provincial capital (ibid., I:486).

Very soon Eixarch transferred to the Ati mission, probably with primary responsibility for the Oquitoa visita where 296he was officiating as early as September 11, 1776, and continued at least until January 14, 1781 (Bautismos del Partido de Huquitoa de 1757). On March 5 of that year Eixarch was at the mine town of Cieneguilla where he helped the curate bury Fray Joachín Velarde (Libro de Entierros de San Ildefonso de la Cieneguilla).

i. Félix de Gamarra. While Captain Juan B. de Anza gathered personnel, supplies and horses for his great colonizing expedition to Upper California, a group of Franciscan priests congregated at Tumacácori Mission to participate in the preparations and enjoy the rare opportunity for each other's company. Father Thomas Eixarch of Tumacácori Mission was slated to accompany the expedition to the Colorado River. Fr. Pedro Font had been brought north from his mission of San José de Pimas in southern Sonora to act as cosmographer to the expedition. Fr. Francisco Garcés from the Mission of St. Francis Xavier at Bac was also scheduled to accompany the expedition to the Colorado River. So he and his companion at Bac, Fr. Félix Gamarra, journeyed to Tumacácori Mission to meet their brother friars. On September 3, 1775 Gamarra baptized a Tubac child (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Bautismos, f. 16v). Later he returned to Bac to administer it while Garcés was absent.

Father Félix was a young man of only twenty-eight years of age in 1775, having been born in 1747 in Spain. He entered the Franciscan order in the Holy Province of Cantabria and succeeded in obtaining his transfer to New Spain while 297still a deacon. At the College of the Holy Cross at Querétaro, he was ordained and sent to the frontier missions. He was evidently transferred from Bac to Tubutama mission, where he was afflicted with a malignant fever and died in May of 1779 at the tender age of thirtytwo (Arricivita 1792:560).

j. Francisco H. Garcés. The giant among the northern Piman mission Franciscans was the missionary at Bac, northernmost of these frontier outposts. A great church administrator and builder, Garcés is most famous for his far-flung and influential explorations in previously unknown Indian territory. In the course of his travels, he passed through Tumacácori Mission from time to time and paused to baptize little children. He did so in August of 1774 (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Bautismos, f. 13). ln January of 1775 Garcés was back in the fort area and baptized the son of citizens of Tubac (ibid., f. 14v). Late that summer Garcés joined his fellow Franciscans at Tumacácori Mission to enjoy good fellowship and make preparations for his trip west in connection with Anza's colonizing expedition-his longest exploration of all during which he visited the California central valley and the Hopi villages before returning to Bac. Garcés is well enough-known to require no further discussion here.

k. Pedro Antonio de Arriquibar. Father Clemente's replacement, Fray Pedro Antonio de Arriquibar, began officiating at Tumacácori by the end of February of 1775. In fact, he had begun baptizing children of Tubac personnel by that 298time (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Bautismos, f. 15) but the people of that post clearly preferred Eixarch to Arriquibar, or else these priests divided their work between them, Eixarch taking primary responsibility for the fort and Arriquibar for the Indian visitation stations in the opposite direction.

Arriquibar was no less dependent upon local interpreters to carry on his mission labors than his predecessors at Tumacácori Mission. His first missionary experience in New Spain had been in Lower California, (Bolton 1926:I:165) where the native languages were totally different from northern Piman. Arriquibar's main interpreter at Tumacácori was Juan José Ramirez (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Casamientos f. 4v), a native Spaniard with whom he developed an especially close relationship (Stoner & Dobyns 1959), becoming godfather of at least one of Ramirez's sons and rearing all his children after the interpreter died. Ramirez was a son of one of the officers of the original Tubac garrison, then-Ensign Juan Christiano Ramirez (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Bautismos, f. 18v-19) as already discussed. The interpreter had evidently grown up playing with Piman Indian children at the fort or with Indian servants in the household so that he acquired a speaking acquaintance with the Piman language sufficient to enable him to interpret for the missionary.

Arriquibar was the last Franciscan missionary at Tumacácori to minister to the Tubac garrison prior to its removal to Tucson in 1776. He was probably not very sorry to see 299the troopers ride out for the north, since their departure meant less work for him and more time available for his primary task of converting Indians. For while Father Eixarch had headed back to Tumacácori on his return from California he had soon gone to Ati and Arriquibar was left to labor alone and had plenty to keep him occupied.

5. The Compadrazco System As A Transculturalational Device

One of the very important social systems of frontier Sonora in general and the royal fort at Tubac in particular was the church-sanctioned ceremonial kindred. This Mediterranean Basin social phenomenon is known in Italy as comparaggio (Anderson 1957) and in Spanish-speaking countries as compadrazco (ibid., p. 32). Its essential features are the ceremonial acquisition of co-parents during the church rituals marking the rites of passage of the individual-baptism and marriage in particular-and the social recognition of this relationship as approximating genetic kinship and involving reciprocal behavioral obligations between ceremonial parents and children and between co-parents.

This socio-religious system was a very important mechanism in the transculturation of the northern Piman Indians, with the royal fort at Tubac furnishing a large proportion of the co-parents acquired by Indian couples during the period from 1752-1776. Thus Indians were not only brought closer into the fold of the Christian missionary church, but also provided with a social contact with the Spanish dominant-group 300social system through an asymmetrical socio-religious role-set.

Whatever conflicts the arrival of a settlement of Europeans in their midst may have generated among the upper Santa Cruz River Valley Pimans, within little more than a year of the foundation of the Tubac post its people were being accepted as godparents for Indian children. The mission records do not reveal, unfortunately whether the missionaries and officers deliberately encouraged the relationship, or whether the Indians sought out prestigeful Spaniards to sponsor their infants.

By October 11 of 1753 Ensign Juan Ramirez and his wife Bartola de la Peña became godparents of the daughter of the Indian captain at Tumacácori (Libro de Bautismos y Casamientos de los Pueblos...de Santa María Soamca, f. 8v). This breakthrough suggests that the transculturational function of the godparents system of the Church was an accidental and not a deliberate product of Spanish policy. For Juan Ramirez and his wife evidently were two of the more congenial Spaniards from the Indian point of view. Their son Juan José probably grew up playing with local Indian children since he acquired sufficient command of their language to work as interpreter at Tumacácori Mission a generation later (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Casamientos f. 4v).

Another compatible type Spaniard was apparently trooper Nicolás Torres who became godfather to an Indian boy on Oct. 14 of the same year (Libro de Bautismos y Casamientos de los Nicolás Torres who became godfather to an Indian boy on Oct. 14 of the same year (Libro de Bautismos y Casamientos de los 301Pueblos de Visita...de Santa María Soamca, f.8v). Then on New Year's Day of 1754 it was the interpreter-trooper (Oyctaitonic Nov. 23, 1752:244) Francisco Xavier Arriola who served as godparent for an Indian child, along with soldier Manuel Ramirez and some civilians (Libro de Bautismos y Casamientos de los Pueblos de Visita...de Santa María Soamca, f. 9v). On the third of the month, another soldier, Joséph Antonio Murrieta, became a godfather at San Xavier del Bac to a Gila River Pima girl (ibid., f. 10v).

On January 6, Captain Juan Thomas Beldarrain's little four-year old son Philip was initiated into the proper Spanish behavior on the frontier when he became godfather to an Indian girl baptized at the post by Father Francisco Pauer (ibid., f. 11v). On March 26 Lt. Simón Roxas y Taboada and Ensign Juan Ramirez served as godfathers to infants baptized by the parish priest Br. Joachín Felis Díaz (ibid., f. 13).

This building of ritual kinship relationships between the Santa Cruz River Valley Indians and the troops continued over the years. Joséph A. Murrieta became godfather to another Indian girl on July 27, 1755 (ibid., f. 18v) and the mission records continue frequently to mention such occurrences.

This web of social relationships between Tubac Spaniards and mixed bloods and northern Pimans extended far out from the royal fort, helping to weld on this frontier one unified social unit of Europeans, mestizos and Indians pursuing 302commonly held social goals and sharing the same or comparable reference groups and values.

This mechanism was important in tying the Indian settlements up and down the Santa Cruz River Valley into the Spanish defense system. Thus, when a Pápago couple from San Xavier del Bac brought a daughter to Tumacácori Mission to be baptized on April 19, 1773, they persuaded Antonio Simón de Tapia and his wife María Petra Chamorra of the royal fort of St. Ignatius at Tubac to act as godparents to the little girl (San José de Tumacácori, Libro de Bautismos f. 8). Two days later Joséph J. Díaz and Margarita Díaz, citizens of the royal fort at Tubac, became godparents of baptism to a little Pápago girl from Tucson (ibid.). The compadrazco network radiating out from Tubac caught many frontier Piman Indians in its toils and allied then definitely with the Spanish Empire.

6. Morality

With all the services and guidance available from the missionary priests at Guebavi and Soamca and later Tumacácori Missions, and the strict Catholic morals of the commanding officers of the post, the moral level of the whole community was not ideal. Even in this small frontier post there were individuals whose values and behavior did not coincide with the strictures of Roman Catholic dogma and whose ethics were practical rather than idealistic.

303One suspects that in this isolated outpost on the far northern borders of New Spain, there was much of the duality of attitude and behavior which still exists in Spanish villages (Pitt-Rivers 1954:160-201).

The evidence for immorality at the post naturally tends to be scanty since scandal seldom is recorded for the historian. Enough evidence was written down and has survived, however, to make clear that there was ample raw material for the Tubac gossip factories.

The ensign of the company from the end of 1765 for several years was a lusty young man in his twenties who had a roving eye for the wives of the soldiers, and he was not above pulling his rank to gain the ends he desired (Rubí Dec. 21, 1766). He entered soldiers' houses when they were absent, offering only transparent excuses and that he should have been censured for so doing affords an insight into conventional mores of the post and times-men did not properly enter other men's houses when their wives were there alone. Ensign Huandurraga defied the conventions and tempted-or outraged-his troops' spouses. Thus the danger of unmarried officers was a clear and present one at Tubac.

Ensign Huandurraga was not the only resident of Tubac whose sexual morality did not meet church standards. Boredom was probably the chief enemy of the Tubac populace after hostile Indians, and sex play was a time-hallowed remedy for boredom. With no formal recreational facilities to relieve 304the tedium, and considerable psychological tension aroused by the nature of military life on a hostile Indian frontier, the young people of Tubac found relief in sex. Almost certainly some if not all the unmarried troopers turned their principal attention while on the post to seduction of its young women.

The result was predictably an increased birthrate. Again the incidence of illegitimate births is difficult to document. Unmarried mothers would have had some reluctance to taking their infants to the priests for baptism, especially near Tubac. There seems to have been a pattern of such unfortunate young women going elsewhere to bear their children. This can be inferred from the case of one unmarried lady who attributed her little girl born at Oquitoa (a mission near the royal fort of Altar) to Gregorio Romero, a single citizen of Tubac, in 1772 (Libro de Bautismos del Partido de Huquitoa de 1757, f. 16v).

Ensign Huandurraga apparently had some precedent of officers wandering from the straight and narrow path of probity at Tubac. Juan María de Oliva seems to have had an illegitimate son by an Indian woman born at Tubac in 1756 when Oliva was an ensign. This boy was enlisted in the company at the age of eighteen or nineteen while his father was acting comandant (Oliva Aug. 13, 1775, No. 2, 3). No record of his baptism has been found but he was carried on the company roster as a "Coyote", indicating a Spanish father and Indian mother. 305It is possible that the older Oliva married an Indian woman, but his wife's name does not suggest so. More likely she did not move from Sinaloa to Tubac until after 1756, or the ensign simply committed adultery. Very probably opportunities for the soldiers to indulge themselves with native women were abundant at the post in the aftermath of the military defeat of the rebel northern Pimans and the attractive glitter of trade goods the soldiers could offer.

Actually Oliva's contemporaries most likely considered him a paragon of virtue for acknowledging his son and giving the boy his name, if the child was born by an Indian woman. In time this fellow rose to be sergeant in the Tucson garrison (Zúñiga 1794), indicating that illegitimacy was no bar to a boy even if he was a mestizo.

Another young man who enlisted in the Tubac company in 1773 had been born at Sópori in 1754. He, too, was listed as a "Coyote" (Oliva Aug. 13, No. 3). Since Sópori was a native northern Piman ranchería it appears this man was another product of Spanish-Indian casual union in the aftermath of conquest and founding of Tubac. It is unlikely that any Spaniards ventured to settle at Sópori in 1753 when the northern Pimans were still restless after the revolt, so the father of this mixed-blood was almost certainly a Tubac trooper enjoying some of the delights of dominant-group status among a recently conquered people.

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